出这个问题。而且他们觉得之所以不直截了当提出，是因为她不想使她的愿望听上去像是要求。间接是传达她的意愿的最好方式。
Japanese culture has developed indirectness to a fine art. For example, a Japanese anthropologist, Harumi Befu, explains the delicate exchange of tended the invitation, Befu first had to determine whether it was meant literally or just pro forma, much as an American might say, “We?ll have to have you over for dinner some time” but would not expect you to turn up at the door. Having decided the invitation was meant literally and having accepted, Befu was then asked what he would like to eat. Following custom, he said anything would do, but his friend, also following custom, pressed him to specify. Host and guest repeated this exchange an appropriate number of times, until Befu deemed it polite to answer the question － politely － by saying tea over rice － as the last course of a sumptuous meal. Befu was not surprised by the feast because he knew that protocol required it. Had he been given what he asked for, he would have been insulted. But protocol also required that he make a great show of being surprised.
日本文化把间接沟通方式发展成为精美的艺术。例如，一位名叫别府春海的日本人类学家这样描述一次简单的午餐邀请所涉及的微妙的间接交流。当他的朋友发出邀请后，别府首先要弄清楚这个邀请是真正的邀请，还是仅仅出于客套，就像美国人说“哪天有空请你到我们家吃饭”而他并不期望你会出现在他的家门口一样。别府在确定邀请是真实的并且接受以后，对方就得问他想吃什么；按照习俗，他于是说吃什么都可以，而他的朋友也照例一定要他说的具体些，这样的交流在主人和客人之间适当重复了几次，直到别府觉得有礼貌地作出回答才是谦谦之举，于是说米饭和茶。当他就餐时，招待他的的确有米饭和茶—只不过这是一顿丰盛午餐的最后一个程序。别府对饭菜之丰盛并不感到惊讶，因为他知道按礼节就是这样。如果对方按照他的提议款待他，他就等于受到了侮辱，当然礼节也要求他做出受宠若惊的样子。
This account of mutual indirectness in a lunch invitation may strike Americans as excessive. But far more cultures in the world use elaborate systems of indirectness than value directness. Only modern Western societies place a priority on direct communication, and even for us it is more a value than a practice.
以上描述的有关午餐邀请时双方所进行的间接交流在美国人看来是过分了，然而相比直接的沟通方式，世界上更多的文化崇尚细腻的间接沟通方式。唯有现代西方社会推崇直接沟通方式，而且即使对我们（美国人）来讲，这种方式更是一种价值观，而不是实践。
Evidence from other cultures also makes it clear that indirectness does not itself reflect low status. Rather, our assumptions about the status of women compel us to interpret anything they do as reflecting low status. Anthropologist Elinor Keenan, for example, found that in a Malagasy-speaking village on the island of Madagascar, it is women who are direct and men who are indirect. And the villagers see the men?s indirect way of speaking, using metaphors and proverbs, as the better way. For them, indirectness, like the men who use it, has high status. They regard women?s direct style as clumsy and crude, debasing the beautiful subtlety of men?s language. Whether women or men are direct or indirect differs; what remains constant is that women?s style is negatively valuated － seen as lower in status than the men?s.
其他文化现象也清楚地表明间接本身并不能反映地位低下。在一定程度上，是我们对对女性地位的设定使我们把女性的所有行为解释成为地位低下的表现。例如，人类学家埃莉诺·基南发现在马达加斯加岛的一个说马达加斯加语的村落里，说话直截了当的是女性，拐弯抹角的是男性。而村民视男性使用隐喻和谚语的间接说话方式为更佳方式。在他们眼里，非直接方式和使用这种方式的男人一样享有崇高地位，而女性的直接风格被视为笨拙、粗鲁、有损男性语言的精深微妙之魅力。关于男性或女性谁直接谁间接在不同地域有不同情况，不变的是女性风格总遭人贬低，其地位被视为低于男性。
The Long War Against Corruption
反腐败持久战
Ben W. Heineman, Jr., and Fritz Heimann
小本·W·海涅曼和弗里茨·海曼
A WAY TO GO 前进道路
Since the mid-1990s, the issue of corruption has gained a prominent place on the global agenda. International organizations, including the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the UN, have adopted conventions requiring that their members enact laws prohibiting bribery and extortion.
International financial agencies, notably the World Bank, have announced programs aimed at ensuring fair and open contracting for their projects and stopping
misappropriation by government officials. Most nations have enacted some type of anticorruption law. International business groups have promulgated model codes of behavior, and multinational corporations (MNCs) now claim to be implementing antibribery programs. The leading nongovernmental organization (NGO) in this area, Transparency International (TI), has conducted analysis and advocacy through
chapters in over 90 nations. The international media report instances of corruption in high places virtually every day (often at great risk).
自20世纪90年代中期以来，腐败问题一直占据着全球议事日程的突出地位。一些国际机构，如经济合作和开发组织以及联合国，采取了协约的形式，要求各成员国制定法律禁止行贿受贿和索贿等行为。一些国际金融机构，尤其是世界银行，宣布了多个方案，旨在确保其项目承包的公正和公开性，杜绝政府官员侵吞私占。大多数国家都出台了某种形式的反腐败法。国际商业团体也颁布了行为示范法规，跨国公司如今宣称正在实施反贿赂计划。反腐倡廉方面的非政府机构的带头人“透明国际”也通过其分布在90多个国家的分支机构开展了分析和倡导活动。国际媒体事实上是每天（常常冒着极大的风险）报道高层人物腐败堕落的事例。
Underlying these changes in rules, rhetoric, and awareness is the growing
recognition that bribery and extortion have demonstrably deleterious consequences. Gone is the day when some pundits seriously argued that corruption was an efficient corrective for overregulated economies or that it should be tolerated as an inevitable byproduct of intractable forces. The true impact of corruption is now widely
acknowledged: corruption distorts markets and competition, breeds cynicism among citizens, undermines the rule of law, damages government legitimacy, and corrodes the integrity of the private sector. It is also a major barrier to international
development － systemic misappropriation by kleptocratic governments harms the poor.
之所以出现了这些新的规章、反腐誓言和觉悟的提高，其根本原因就在于人们越来越清晰地认识到收受贿赂和勒索钱财的行为带来了显而易见的恶果。曾几何时一些博学之士一本正经地说：腐败是对过度调控经济体制的一种有效的矫正行为，或者说，腐败作为不可驾驭的力量的一种副产品，它是不可避免的，我们应该包容它。如今这样说的日子一去不复返了。现在腐败带来的真正危害已经广
为人知：腐败扰乱市场、破坏竞争、滋长市民的冷嘲热讽、削弱法治的威力、损害政府的合法性，还会侵蚀私营市场的诚信度。腐败还是阻止国际发展的极大阻碍，因为贪赃舞弊的政府自上而下的侵吞挪用坑害了穷人。
Although it is difficult to quantify global corruption, there is little question that huge problems exist. For example, the World Bank estimated in 2004 that public officials worldwide receive more than $1 trillion in bribes each year (and that figure does not include embezzlement). A 2005 survey by the Russian think tank Indem found that more than $300 billion in bribes is paid in Russia annually (a ten-fold increase since the last survey, in 2001) and that more than half of all Russians have at some point been asked for a payoff.
虽然很难量化全球腐败的程度，但存在巨大弊端却是毋庸置疑的。例如，2004年世界银行估计全世界的政府公务员每年收受贿金在一万亿美元以上（而且这个数字还不包括贪污）。俄国智囊团 Indem 在2005年所做的一次调查发现：每年在俄国支付的贿金超过3 000亿美元（比上次2001年调查到的数字增加了10倍），而且有不止一半的俄国人曾经被索要过贿赂。
According to the 2005 Volcker report (a report on the UN?s former oil-for-food program by an independent committee headed by the economist Paul Volcker), more than 2,000 companies participating in the oil-for-food program － almost half of the total － may have been involved in kickback schemes. And the drumbeat of scandals continues, with events in China, Indonesia, Kenya, Russia, and the United States leading the news during the past year.
根据2005年度的沃尔克报告（由经济学家保罗·沃尔克担纲的一个独立委员会对联合国之前实行的石油换食品计划所做的调查报告），参与石油换食品计划的2 000多家公司几乎有一半可能有吃回扣的行为。频频不断的丑闻此起彼伏，一直没有消停。过去一年，中国、印尼、肯尼亚、俄国和美国的爆料占据着新闻的榜首。
Given vast, continuing problems, the anticorruption movement will maintain its credibility and momentum only if it can translate its rhetoric into action and prevent and punish misbehavior in a more focused and systematic manner. In the near term, the implementation of anticorruption measures must come in important part from international organizations, developed nations, and MNCs. Developing nations also have a critical role to play. But their legal, political, and economic systems vary greatly － they are failed or failing, fragile or rising － and so anti-corruption initiatives in the developing world will have to be a part of, and dependent on, each country?s broad, complex, and often lengthy state-building process.
考虑到这些问题范围之广且层出不穷，只有当我们以更加集中化和系统化的方式把反腐誓言付诸行动、预防和惩罚不端行为时，反腐运动才能保持其可信度和强劲的势头。在近期内，唱重头戏的国际组织、发达国家以及跨国公司必须实施反腐措施。发展中国家也有重要角色需要扮演，但由于这些国家的法律、政治和经济体系差异很大 — 它们要么不成功，要么眼看就要失败；要么不堪一击，要么正在兴起 — 因此发展中国家的反腐运动将不得不是各国广泛、复杂且往往是历时长久的国家建设过程的一部分，而且取决于这个国家建设的过程。
POLYMORPHOUSLY CORRUPT 形态多样的腐败堕落
Corruption takes many forms. It has a supply side (private bribers) and a demand side (public officials). There is grand corruption, involving high-level officials with discretionary authority over government policy, and petty corruption, involving lower-level officials who control access to basic services such as education and
electricity. There is the dynamic between the developed nations that are a main source of the funds and the developing nations that host the majority of the officials who extort and misappropriate.
腐败的形式有很多种，它既有供给方（私人行贿者），又有需求方（政府公务员）；既有能随心所欲地操控政府决策的高层官员参与的大规模腐败行为，也有控制着诸如教育和供电等基础服务设施的低层官僚参与的小规模腐败行为。再说，提供主要资金来源的发达国家和拥有大批巧取豪夺、侵吞私占的政府官员的发展中国家二者之间有一种动态机制。
Tackling this multifaceted problem, and understanding how near-term priorities fit into long-term approaches, requires pursuing four types of measures.
First is enforcement, which seeks to deter future misconduct by investigating and prosecuting existing corruption. Second is prevention: the enactment and
implementation of legislation and administrative regulations that choke off corrupt practices (such measures should include ombudsman systems, whistleblower protection laws, transparent rules of procurement and accounting,
reedom-of-information laws, auditing and internal-control requirements for public and private entities, and anti-money-laundering regimes). Third is the much more complex process of state building, which consists of institutional reforms designed to create a society of laws, not men, and to build a transparent, accountable, and durable legal, economic, and political foundation. Finally, there is the cultural dimension of anticorruption, which involves transmitting positive values and norms that can strengthen the enforcement, prevention, and state-building measures.
要攻克这个牵涉到多层面的问题，并明确近期的工作重点如何与长期的应对方法相符，我们就应该采取四种措施：第一是强制执行，即通过对现有的腐败行为进行调查和提起公诉，力图制止未来的不法行为；第二是预防，即制定和实施遏制各种腐败行为的法规及行政条例（这些措施必须包含政府监察官巡视制度、举报人保护法、采购和财会透明规章制度、信息自由法、公共和私营实体审计和内部监控的必要条例以及反洗钱制度等）；第三是政府行为建设这个复杂得多的过程，由各种机构改革组成，旨在创建一个法治社会，而不是人治社会，奠定一个透明的、有诚信的、长久的法律、经济和政治基础；最后一个措施就是实行文化层面上的反腐败，这包括传播能够加强执法和预防腐败、促进国家政府建设措施的积极价值观和行为规范。
POLITICS AND POLICIES 政治和政策
The most important question facing the anticorruption movement today is how to create a politics that can make the policies of enforcement and prevention effective